Lessons in Women’s Empowerment from India’s Female
Village Leaders
The relationships and
factors that influence the performance of elected representatives.
“I am the hope of the
villagers and my village is the hope for me, I can disappoint neither them nor
myself.” – An elected female representative
Women presidents of
village councils have been making significant contributions to India’s
socioeconomic development, but little is known about what makes them successful
as elected officials.
It is necessary to
understand what it takes for elected women representatives (just
representatives for the rest of this article) to be successful because they
could help India become an economically, socially and politically inclusive
superpower over the next 30 years.
Leadership of
villages is economically critical because 850 million of total population of
India’s 1.3 billion live in 638,596 villages across 29 states and three union
territories. And these villages generate about half, or US$1.1 trillion, of
India’s gross domestic product of US$2.3 trillion.
In 1993, India took a
step towards the inclusion of women in the political governance of villages by
enacting a constitutional amendment that reserved 33 percent of village council
seats for women. That figure was later raised to 50 percent.
The move came as more
women were encouraged to take up leadership roles in villages as male villagers
moved to larger towns for work, while women took on more significant roles in
farming, particularly in the past 10 years.
My thesis,
entitled “Probing the Minds of Elected
Women Representatives on Village Councils in India”, explores the
interrelationships between representatives’ thoughts, emotions and behaviours
and those of their families, village council members and villagers. Based on
interviews with 120 representatives from 100 villages across 19 districts in
the state of Maharashtra, my research describes how these relationships
influence the representatives’ performance.
My research found
that 70 percent of these representatives successfully met their aims as part of
a progress plan drafted by their village council. The rest underperformed
because they were unable to win the support of village council members or
villagers in carrying out their agenda.
There were eight key
themes about the factors that influence representatives’ work:
1. Political
background and economic status have a moderate influence on performance.
Representatives with
no family history of political service performed as well as those from
political families. In comparison, many representatives whose fathers or
grandfathers had served in village councils delivered mixed performances. Many
of them were less effective than their peers without a political background.
Most successful
representatives initially ran for office at the request of a local, senior male
leader. Those who stood for election on their own had mixed results.
Representatives tend to relate to local male political leaders as authority
figures.
In terms of financial
background, representatives from poorer families did as well as wealthier
peers, which shows their drive to become village council leaders. In
comparison, richer representatives exploited their assets to advance village
causes, but some became complacent about the money and power they enjoyed after
being elected.
2. Natural
environments are no barriers to success.
My study shows that
representatives in villages that are ecologically or geologically deficient
performed as well, if not better, than peers in villages with better
conditions. Indeed representatives with the advantages of natural resources did
not necessarily fare better than their peers. Rather, a lack of natural
resources and increased hardship made some representatives more resilient, and
they treated adversity as an opportunity to show leadership. This helped them
to do as well as their more privileged peers.
3. Psychological and
social factors significantly influence performance.
From interviews with
representatives, it was clear that successful representatives had a positive
mindset that eclipsed negative emotions. In fact, the top three choices of
attributes by performing representatives were self-confidence, love and social
engagement. They viewed these attributes as mutually reinforcing in their
approach to work and life.
In contrast, the top
attributes for underperforming representatives were self-doubt, emotional
incapacity and irresponsibility; identity conflicts made them ineffective in
their work.
4. Self-confidence
and a string of seven emotions.
Successful
representatives exhibit self-confidence, the most important psychological
attribute that explains their performance. They also embrace emotional
attributes such as love, learning, authenticity, fairness, survival instinct,
social engagement and leadership.
In my interviews, 83
percent of successful representatives chose these attributes as the most important
out of 150, while 41 percent of underperforming representatives did likewise.
5. Mother leaders of
villagers.
Most successful
representatives view villagers as members of their extended family. Indeed,
they see themselves as mother figures to their extended families and work with
them for the common good.
These leaders have a
strong sense of responsibility, which spurs them to work hard to protect their
families and extended families.
Successful
representatives show that attributes expected of a woman and a leader need not
be conflicting. Mother leaders can show affection while also displaying
assertive, decisive and clinical behaviours.
6. Gender bias in the
treatment of underperformers.
Although most village
council members treat representatives with respect if they seem competent, they
are intolerant of those they view as incompetent, disagreeable or impractical.
Indeed, underperforming women are treated more harshly than men.
Men in local
governments indicated that there was an unwritten understanding that the
election of women was a favour to them. The stakes are clearly higher for women
since they are trying to do a job that men have done for generations. There is
a perception that the men were being gracious in offering leadership
opportunities to women.
7. Perceptions about
village council offices.
Successful and
underperforming representatives differ in how they view village council
offices. For the former, the offices are a mirror in which they view their
progressive social identity, and are places to help them to engage with
villagers. The latter, however, see the offices as places for extra work,
adding to their domestic responsibilities.
8. Representatives
are the instrument and the change.
The representatives
are givers and takers as they seek to renew their villages and themselves. They
feel they are both a part of their villages and the shapers of a new order.
Perhaps this notion of acting as change agents is fundamental to achieving
success as a representative.
Implications for
representatives
Lastly, the results
of this study are meant to highlight the need to equip representatives with the
tools to strengthen their minds. Towards this end, I believe that therapeutic
communities should be set up in villages to teach and foster everyone’s
positive emotional attributes. That would be a step towards spurring
socioeconomic and political progress at the grassroots level.
At the conclusion of my interviews, some representatives said they had ideas on how they could do better in their roles at home and in the village councils. They realised that their new possible selves were the right choice, and reflected on how they could leverage their strengths.
At the conclusion of my interviews, some representatives said they had ideas on how they could do better in their roles at home and in the village councils. They realised that their new possible selves were the right choice, and reflected on how they could leverage their strengths.
Read more at
https://knowledge.insead.edu/leadership-organisations/lessons-in-womens-empowerment-from-indias-female-village-leaders-10111#2BLRO8fiu1oM16L6.99
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